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Albanians: The 460-year struggle for a homeland, and 540 years in Kosovo
by James Mayfield (Chairman, European Heritage Library)

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This essay analyzes the long history of the Albanian struggle for the establishment of an independent national homeland in both Albania and Kosovo. It is an effort not only to reveal the difficult and unique history of the Albanian people, but also to bring light to both sides of the Kosovo conflict to balance with the Serb perspective. You can get a rare inside look (with pictures) of my experiences in this remote and unique Muslim nation of Albania in my article Inside Albania.

Note on the mathematics: 460 refers to the date of Ottoman conquest (1468) through the reign of King Zog (1928), as Albania was still a puppet in 1914. 540 for Kosovo includes 1468-2008.

Shortcut:   Ethnic background • Albanian nation forms vs. Islamic jihad • Albanian culture forged • Albanians struggle for independence • A kingdom declared, then falls to the Axis • Albania independent under dictatorship  • The Kosovo struggle

 

Ethnic and Linguistic Background, Albanian origins

The Albanians are easily Europe's most linguistically, culturally, and historically unique ethnicity. Similar to the Armenians, a huge portion of the Albanian people lives in diaspora, populating not only Albania and Kosovo, but Montenegro, Greece, Italy, the United States, Serbia, Bosnia and Macedonia. They speak one of the most unique languages on the continent (Shqip), one which linguists do not trace to any other group. They rabidly define themselves as being racially independent from the Slavs, the Mediteranneans, the Turks, the Greeks, and any other cultural orbit. So too, they are Europe's only Muslim culture, although the Bosnians have a large Muslim constituent.

The Albanians proudly trace their ancestory back to the ancient Illyrians, a people of disputed and mysterious origins who straddled what are now Albania, Montenegro, likely Kosovo, and northwestern Greece at least after 500BCE before being forever incorporated into the Roman dominion by the 2rd century. The Illyrians have been disputed by archeologists and historians (and especially Serbs) as to their ethnic roots. Most historians intently aver that the modern Albanians have little connection with their homeland's ancient residents. However, the Illyrian heritage is significant because Albanians emphasize the ancient Illyrian presence in the whole region (including Kosovo) that gives them the right to control it. See our article on the debate over Albanian Illyrian origins.

The Albanians spent 460 years to finally establish an independent homeland, and struggled for another 120 before Kosovo was recognized as an independent nation from Serbia in 2008, although most countries in the world (especially Serbs) refuse to acknowledge their sovereignty. Their constant struggle against what they view as foreign domination has imbued them with an unparalleled hermit culture of resistance and independence.


The flag of Albania, based upon the Byzantine emblem, that was designed after the Albanian unifier Skanderbeg who rallied the Albanian Christians against the Islamic jihad of the Ottoman Turks


The geography of Albanians make them vulnerable to more advanced powers

 


An Albanian national consciousness emerges in the face of Ottoman Islamic jihad; the Albanians convert to Islam

Before the 15th century, there was no unified Albanian state or culture. The region was, as it remained even as late as the 20th century, bitterly divided between warring tribes, clans, and chiefdoms. The mountains of Albania were split between the Tosk tribe of the south and the Gheg (pronounced “Jeg”) tribe of the north and Kosovo. Although the region was dominated by foreign powers almost uninterrupted since the fall of Illyria to the Romans, most of the Albanian people lived independently in the remote hills and mountains. The majority of foreign settlement and construction were only at the coastal ports of Skoder, Durres, and Vlore. They lacked their own written language and national political structure. The lack of unified identity among “Albanians” has historically acted as a problematic obstacle to the establishment of Albanian nationhood in both Kosovo and Albania. It was not until the rule of Enver Hoxha and the Communists after 1945 that the intense family, tribal, and clan loyalties were forever obliterated and replaced by a pan-Albanian national consciousness. The Albanians were also highly divided in matters of religion. Catholic missionaries from the Italian states, as well as Orthodox clerics from Byzantium and Serbia brought both Christian sects to the Albanian tribes, and the deadlock of religious heterogeneity further stifled collective development and enculturation. It is likely that most Albanians adhered to a syncretism of the ancient tribal religion (Albanians may say the Illyrian religion) and Christianity. It is also a matter of vicious debate between Serbs and Albanians whether or not Albanians populated Kosovo as a majority. Serbs insist that the Albanians were an infinitesimal, ephemeral minority until the hated Muslim Ottomans brought them to occupied Kosovo.

The genesis of an Albanian national consciousness began in only the early 15th century. Although the tale has become exaggerated into mythology and was likely not nearly as pervasive as is claimed, the disunified Albanian tribes effectively united into a type of pan-Albanian national consciousness in the face of an invading scourge from the east. From the late 14th to the 17th centuries, the Ottoman Empire of the Muslim Turks delivered jihad into the Balkans with the ultimate goal of destroying already-broken Constantinople, expanding the realm of the Caliphate, and spreading the doctrine of Islam as espoused by the Sultan's rendition of Hanafi jurisprudence. The legacy of Ottoman conquest has been hotly debated. It is short-sighted to describe a period of brutality, violence, forced conversion, stagnation, and murder. It is also illusory and fanciful to, as modern American academia espouses, depict a period of multi-cultural tolerance and free religious worship. Indeed, the Ottoman Empire was unusual of Muslim realms in its granting of inordinate autonomy to religious communities and regions. The Europeans in the Balkans, however, enjoyed almost none. The ancient lands of the European Balkan states were taken, their great palaces and treasures becoming the property of a hated and very foreign enemy. The conquest of these free peoples was not provoked at all. Christians lived as second-class citizens in their own homelands, unable to enjoy political franchise unless they either betray their nation and families by converting to Islam and fighting their own countrymen and fellow Christians in the Ottoman armies (the Janissaries). A blood tax called devshirme (دغشرمي) forced Christian European mothers to give up every few male family members (varies by population census) to be forcibly conscripted into the Janissary elite in Istanbul after forced conversion to Islam, with many returning to their nations to fight against the villages of their birth. The majestic wealth and education the Islamic world had to offer at this time of Muslim conquest was often quite appealing to many families for their sons instead of death or starvation. Albanians benefited from Ottoman occupation more than any other European culture in this respect. Nonetheless, their options were to adopt a very similar religion to Christendom (Islam) or, in many cases, starve to death. Many families under Islamic rule professed submission to Islam solely to inherit the benefits, but instead practiced the faith of their heritage in private to avoid persecution or death. Apostacy from the Ottoman perception of Islam was punished by death. The Christian natives also paid inordinate taxes. Balkan subjects, often prone to famine and underproduction of grain at this time, were barely able to survive, let alone pay large taxes. Most Europeans view this today as a period of foreign occupation and injustice. Although Ottoman policy is often portrayed unjustly negatively, modern attempts to depict them as liberal and tolerant are very improvident and foolish, especially in an age when all peoples are supposed to live free from foreign empires. To lessen the guilt of the Ottomans for colonially conquering the Balkans -- almost always without provocation -- at the same time that the Europeans are demonized for the colonial era is rather foolish.


Our exclusive map of the history of Islamic conquest in Europe. The red is the domain of the Turkish Muslims. (CLICK TO ENLARGE)

What are now Serbia, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, southern Ukraine, Greece, Bosnia, southern Croatia and Hungary, Kosovo, and Albania all fell to the invading Islamic jihad by the 16th century. Disunified Albania was overrun almost immediately. In order to repel a Muslim empire that was conquering most of southeastern Europe, many crusader-kings from Hungary, Germany, Poland, Transylvania, Serbia, Romania (Wallachia), and Moldova worked in tandem on the scorched battlefields of Varna and Kosovo to expel the invading Muslims. It was during these wars that the nascent form of the Albanian national identity was born.

When Albania's tribes were conquered without provocation by the Ottoman Muslims, wealthy Albanian grandees were forced by the Sultan to leave Albania for Istanbul, where they were compulsorily converted to Islam and molded to become miltary and political elites in the Ottoman Empire. One of these hostages was Gjergj Kastrioti, who after being forced to submit to Islam was called by the Turks Gjergj "Skanderbeg" (the Turkish equivalent of Alexander Bey). He served the Ottoman armies loyally against the European Christians until he fought against the Transylvanian regent Janos Hunyadi. In battle, Skanderbeg abandoned the empire that had pillaged his country and forced his conversion and joined the Christian crusaders in defense of Albania. A national Albanian revolt ensued against the Ottoman occupiers with the now-Christian Skanderbeg as its crusader-king that lasted until 1468, when he died of disease. Immediately after his death, Albania was re-conquered personally by the Sultan's armies. Albania endured 400 years of foreign rule before their nation would resurface. It must be acknowledged that the Albanians' romantic depiction of this unified Albanian revolt is likely an exaggerated retrojection.


Gjergj Skanderbeg, hero of the Albanians and the father of the national struggle. Ironically, he is beloved as the defender of the then-Christian, now-Muslim Albanians against the Muslim Turks.

 


A solidified Albanian national culture is forged during Ottoman Muslim occupation

During Ottoman rule, Albanians increasingly coalesced into a unified cultural and national consciousness in reaction to foreign rule. This new Albanian culture -- from which the 460-year national struggle would derive -- eclectically drew from Ottoman and native Albanian (or "Illyrian" perhaps) elements. Albanians and Bosnians were the two occupied cultures that rapidly converted to Islam. There are many reasons for this. Albanians lacked a firm cultural and religious identity. The Albanian Christians already vaccilated between Orthodoxy and Catholicism from their neighbors. Islam, which is very similar to Christendom, must have seened no more different than the two Christian sects were. So too, Albanians converted to Islam en masse when their tribal leaders did, whereas in Serbia and the rest of the Balkans the leadership brutally resisted all invading Islamic elements. Albanians also saw that by converting to Islam, they could instantly alleviate the second-class status of Christians and rapidly attain high station in Istanbul as viceroys and landed janissary nobles. Some of the Turks' greatest leaders were Albanian converts. Lastly, the Albanians may have converted to Islam to instantly elevate themselves above the Greeks, Serbs, and Slavic Christians around them. As a result of this occupation, Albanians became Europe's only Muslim-majority culture, with the Bosnians only about half Muslim. It must be noted that the Albanian form of Islam is incredibly liberal.

Regarding the Albanian struggle for Kosovo, it is agreed by most that the Albanian settlement in Kosovo began during Ottoman hegemony. Although Albanians insist that they were in Kosovo as the majority since ancient Illyria, most evidence indicates that it was occupied by Serb Christians as an integral part of that nation for 500 years before that nation became conquered by the Ottomans. The Serbs thus argue that Kosovo was rightfully their territory until the perfidity of Ottoman conquerers warped its demographics. During Ottoman rule, Albanians intensely settled in the region to the point that it would become majority Albanian Muslim as it remains today (likely 88% [1]). This is the beginning of the Albanian struggle for Kosovo.


The EHL map of Kosovo. Note that Albanian nationalists consider a land almost twice this size to be proper Albanian land

A close relationship was forged between the Ottomans and the Albanians, although later on this would degenerate into brutal inter-ethnic war and competition. Throughout the Ottoman Empire's history, many of the most esteemed and powerful lords were ethnically Albanian Muslims. One of the most sublime Ottoman rulers was Muhammad Ali Paşa. Ali led a massive revolt against the breaking Ottoman Caliphate in 1805 that cleaved the whole empire into shambles. He became the sovereign of Egypt and its environs, and upon receiving autonomy by the Sultan himself, waged a bloody jihad against the Sudanese and surrounding dissenters. His revolt in many ways marked the progressive collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Muhammad Ali Pasha is one of the key figures of pride for the Albanian culture.


The Albanian Muhammad Ali Pasha of Egypt


My photo of a new and obviously simple mosque in Albania. Albanian culture, from which the national struggle derived, is very unique.


My photo of a relatively old Christian church in Albania

 



Albanians struggle for independence, and become mere puppets again

After 400 years of foreign Ottoman occupation, the Albanian culture that had developed alongside a national consciousness increasingly rallied for independence. By the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire was a broken realm of infighting, revolt, perfidity, and a crippling devolution of power from the Sultan to regional beys, lords, and janissaries. Liberalizing reforms left the nation weak. The janissaries -- the reason for Ottoman power altogether -- frequently attempted to overthrow the sultans and direct state interests themselves. In response, by the 1830's, the Sultan had dismantled the janissaries and executed thousands of their best officers. Ottoman sultans increasingly responded to this instability with a strong reversal of the previous regional autonomy. Albanian efforts for more autonomy were ignored. Once again, the Albanian people were forced to ignite their struggle for the independence of their nation.

By 1878, the Ottoman Empire was close to collapse. Greece, Romania (with Moldova), Bulgaria, and Serbia were all independent after massive revolts sponsored by Russia. Albania, now suffering a stranglehold from Ottoman far-right nationalist rule, sought to seize its chance for an independent national homeland. At the League of Prizren, Albanian nationalists like Sami Frasheri declared a unified Albanian national state. Albanian hopes for independence or at least superior autonomy failed miserably. The Ottomans, especially after the Young Turk ultranationalist revolution of 1908, brutally cracked down on any dissent and discord, making the Albanians now a victim of direct oppression.

As the Ottoman Empire was sufficiently weak and the European Balkan powers were cogent enough, the Balkan Wars of 1913-14 began, ostensibly to liberate Macedonia and Albania from Ottoman domination. The Muslim Turks were obliterated. Albanians hoped to become the independent nation of Albania (including Kosovo), but the weakness of the Albanian leadership and the lack of interest of greater European powers made these dreams fail. Kosovo was annexed by Serbia, the beginning of the bitter ethnic conflict that would last almost without interruption until 2008. Seizing the opportunity after finally being free from Turkish rule, Albanian political lobbyists under Ismail Kemal formally declared the establishment of an independent and unified Albania for the first time in history. This was merely a hopeful illusion; Albanians would not see full independent statehood until 1928.

The Albanian lobbies in Kosovo continued to defend the interests of the Albanian majority, but the ultra-nationalist monarchy of Serbia (then Yugoslavia) absolutely refused to concede. Muslim massacres of Christian civilians in Kosovo and Greece (South Epirus) were met with bitter reprisals by the Serbian military. In the early years alone following “independence”, some 12,371 Albanians were killed by the Serbs, and 22,000 jailed [2]. Obstinent Serbian governmental refusal to negotiate with the Kosovar Albanians' interests would resume until the NATO bombings of 1999 seized the whole area from Serbia.


Ismail Kemal, the first "president" of Albania

 

Completely unable to organize any form of a stable nation and a government, Albanians begged European powers to assist it through economic subsidy and support. The result, instead, was ultimately that the Albanians would become pawns to yet another colonial power. As Albanians owed their independence to European powers, it was the British, Italians, and Germans (Austrians) who agreed to place the German prince Wilhelm von Wied on the illusory throne of Albania as the king of the new nation. This puppet king was considered illegitimate in comparison with the “legitimate” council government under Kemal and Essad Pasha. Wilhelm had never even been to Albania nor likely heard of it. Albania was effectively a vassal under the Italian, German, and British authority. The situation in Albania deteriorated so rapidly that King Wied of Albania left and never returned, leaving Albania in a state of total civil war, leaving the Albanian struggle for a national homeland completely unresolved. From 1912 until 1928, Albania lacked a functional government.

 


The German prince Wied, King of Albania

 

 


Albania solidifies under a monarchy in reaction to foreign intrusion, then falls under Axis rule

The so-called “nation” of Albania still remained a buffer zone between colonial expanding empires. Mussolini's ultranationalist and expansionist Italy, seeking to reverse the humiliation of being the nation with the only colonial failure in Africa (Ethiopia), gradually began to erode the partial autonomy of Albanians altogether. Intense development and investment by Italian entrepreneurs and politicians created a dependency that ultimately made Albania an Italian colony. This fiscal expansion also allowed for the stabilization and comparative prosperity of Albania. By 1925, an upstanding local Muslim leader and political lobbyist for Albanian independence called Ahmed Zogu was elected leader of the Albanian people. In 1928, in large measure in reaction to Albanian fears of being colonized by the next imperial power, Zogu formally declared the total independence of the Albanian nation, changed his name to the more Europeanized Zog, and was crowned the king of the first united Albanian nation as King Zog I. The Albanian national struggle for a homeland, after 400 years, was complete as Albania was recognized as a sovereign power.


King Zog (Ahmed Zogu) of Albania, its first true modern leader, indeed responsible for stability


The independence after 1928 was ephemeral. Albania was invaded by Mussolini's Italy in 1939 and conquered in only a few days. Albania's autonomy was aggressively silenced, and Italy became a province of the Italian Empire. In 1943, following Italy's defeat in the war, Albania was absorbed into the Third Reich's occupied realm. Significantly, Hitler merged Kosovo with Albania for the first time in history. This would fuel irredentist pan-Albanian nationalism for the next 50 years.

Throughout World War II, Yugoslavia and Albania became a warground between ideological and ethnic competition of Serbs, Croats and Bosnians, and Albanians. Serbs had dominated the Albanians of Kosovo, the Bosnians, and the Croats until Hitler destroyed Yugoslavia in 1940. Upon independence, the Croats and Bosnians fervently allied with the Nazis and actively participated in some of the worst atrocities and ethnic cleansings of World War II (see here). Large portions of the Albanian population, and a great bulk of the Bosnians, rapidly volunteered for the Nazi SS killing squads against Serbian Communists, Jews, anarchists, and partisans. One of the most active volunteer groups of the SS in the Balkans was the SS-Skanderbeg legion that included Albanians from Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania who sought to rally for an independent national Albania (with Kosovo) against longstanding Serbian hegemony. Muslims of the Balkans, especially Albanians and Bosnians, were rallied for a jihad against Jews and atheistic Communists by the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Amin al-Husayni. Albanians resumed their struggle for sovereignty throughout the war.

 


Skanderbeg-SS emblem. Albanians in Kosovo, as with most of the Muslim world from the Grand Mutfi of Jerusalem to the Tatars of Russia, supported the Nazi invasion


SS Muslim soldiers from Kosovo or Greater Albania


A Bosnian Muslim SS legion supporting the Axis against the Soviets, Communists, and Jews. "Traitors!" say the Serbs and socialist Yugoslavs fighting to protect their freedom from Axis brutality and genocide.


Grand Muftiy of al-Quds (Jerusalem) shows his support for the Axis and their Bosnian Muslim (and some Albanians) legions to promote Jihad against the Jews and atheistic Communists. His Islamist movement was prompted by fears for the coming establishment of a Jewish state (Israel) in Palestine.

 

 


Albania's total isolated retreat from the world in the interests of a sovereign independent state

The end of World War II and the triumph of the Soviet Union and its ideology again completely redesigned the political experience of the Albanians. The Communist guerrilla campaigns of Jozip “Broz” Tito in the Balkans led to the re-establishment of Yugoslavia as a new socialist state. Yugoslavia included the Albanians of Kosovo, Montenegro, and Macedonia, and would remain as such until the seizure of Kosovo from Serbia by the Americans and NATO in 1999. With the Germans in retreat, Albania was united and independent under the brutal Communist dictatorship of the hard-line atheist Enver Hoxha ("Hoed-ja"). Hoxha, drawing from longstanding Albanian cultural fears of foreign intrusion and fueled by near-obsessive paranoia, pursued a course of strict independence from all foreign dependency. Although Enver Hoxha effectively completed the Albanian struggle for a completely independent and sovereign homeland in Albania, his bizarre policy of complete isolation from the outside world would drive Albania to the ground to become one of Europe's most backward and ruined nations.

 


Enver Hoxha, Communist dictator of Albania. Despite being often viewed as the source of Albania's economic collapse (although it is difficult to collapse a bankrupt nation in the first place), Hoxha is often considered Albania's national hero because he, finally, created a completely stable and free Albania.

 

Although not occupied by Russian or Yugoslav troops, Albania would remain economically and political aligned and reliant upon socialist Yugoslavia and the USSR for more than a decade. Excluding the few years of independence under King Zog, the “Albanian nation” still had yet to exist with total independence. Enver Hoxha's reign would epitomize the struggle for Albanian self-determination and total freedom, making Hoxha the Albanians' prime cultural hero next to Skanderbeg.

Yugoslavia under president Tito politically considered Albania – with Kosovo and Macedonia – a dependent vassal of the Socialist People's Republic of Yugoslavia. Although Albania enjoyed its own government, it was de facto ruled by the more powerful, wealthy, and stable Yugoslav state. As a part of the Soviet Communist sphere of world influence, Albania was equally dependent upon the USSR. It was a member of the Warsaw Pact, the mutual alliance of Soviet vassal states in Eastern Europe, from 1955-1968. Yugoslavia was responsible for funding over 58% of Albania's total GDP [3], and was the sole reason why this impoverished, broken, and tribally-divided state was able to transform into an agrarian and comparably industrialized society with a firm central government administration. Despite this blatant dependency, Albania's radical anti-imperialist doctrine caused Enver Hoxha and the Albanians to perceive the Yugoslavs as the next phase of foreign domination who impeded Albania's national struggle. As a result, by 1950, Albania completely embargoed and cut all trade and diplomatic relations with Yugoslavia. It must be remembered that Albania's self-defeating rejection of its benefactors was perceived as being part of a long struggle for independence.

Albanians in Kosovo lived under the rule of Yugoslavia under Tito. The province of Kosovo and Metohija was passively acknowledged as being autonomous by the 1974 Constitution, but Tito has been criticized for simply delaying dormant inter-ethnic conflict that would, after his death, foment into the total collapse of Yugoslavia. Inter-ethnic competition for franchise in the region would resume until the Yugoslav Wars, fueled by increasing massacres committed by Albanians against Serbs and vice versa.

Albania turned to the Soviet Union for total economic support after it severed its ties with Yugoslavia, which then covered the Albanian budget and provided its experts. After the Soviet Union then pursued a highly unorthodox ideology under Nikita Khrushchev that Hoxha considered "un-Communist," and after it invaded its own Communist ally of Hungary in 1956, Albania then perceived the Soviet Union as the next imperialist oppressor. Albania's independence was now threatened. Albania completely broke from the Soviet Union, and, after Brezhnev's invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, from the Warsaw Pact altogether. Albania then gravitated towards support from the People's Republic of China, but after Mao Zedong pursued an increasingly pro-American policy that Hoxha deemed un-Communist, Albania then embargoed China.

 


Nikita Khrushchev


Hoxha's Albania and their bond with Mao's China (from http://www.iisg.nl/~landsberger/ff-al.html)

 

Despite this backward and industrially primitive nation's complete fiscal dependency on foreign allies, Enver Hoxha's Albania pursued a path of bizarre closure that was more isolated than any other economy in the world, easily rivaling modern North Korea. All outside entry was barred, and no Albanians could leave the country. All religion was destroyed in what he called the "world's first atheist state," and Albanians effectively were forced to embrace "Hoxhaism" (his rendition of Communism) as a state and religious doctrine. As evident in his ideological writings, Hoxha pursued this policy in part because it fulfilled the Albanian struggle for total independence and the final establishment of an Albanian national homeland ruled by its own hand. This desire is evident in the fact that the paranoid Hoxha built over 10,000 family pillboxes across the country, calling Albanians to be ready for an imminent invasion by an outside predatory imperialist power. In reality, no one had any interest in coming anywhere near Albania. Indeed, he succeeded in making Albania completely independent. However, with the expertise and subsidy of developed world superpowers like China and the USSR now expelled from this primitive isolated country, Albania tumbled into such obsolescence that much of Albania today is reminiscent of the feudal age.

In conclusion, the Albanian national struggle for over 460 years had been finally achieved, but it came at an absurdly unbearable price from which Albanians today are still suffering as one of the poorest nations in Europe.

 


My photograph of an Albanian family concrete bunker built under the isolation, proof of the Albanians' enduring struggle for an independent homeland

 


My photo of Albania. It is horrifically poor outside of the capital of Tirana, a cost in part of Hoxha's isolation.

 

 

The Albanian struggle for an independent homeland continues in Kosovo

Read the Serbian perspective on this conflict here. Any argument will be guaranteed to be rejected by the other faction.

Albanians had succeeded in forging an independent national homeland in Albania, but the massive Albanian community in Macedonia, Montenegro, and Yugoslavia/Serbia still struggled for their independence. Albanians are intense in their involvement in ethnic nationalism, irredentism, and the desire to break from what they perceive as the Slavs' brutal oppression.

During the reign of Yugoslavia's Slobodan Milosevic, Yugoslavia reversed its previous policy of an autonomous federation (that included Kosovo) to one of strict pan-Yugoslav nationalism whereby Serbs asserted that all minority groups must obey the dictates of the Belgrade government for the good of the nation. This caused Albanian claims for autonomy (alongside those of the Croats and Bosniaks) to be interpreted as treason, and were met by brutal crackdowns and censorship that further pressured an Albanian revolt in Kosovo for independence. The independence of Croatia and Bosnia (caused by the same reason) after 1991 came with a bloody Albanian revolt that included the incineration of Serbian churches and the massacre of civilians through Albanian nationalist organizations like the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Many Albanians found in their Islamic religion and the Qur'an a vehicle for a perceived social justice against Christian oppression, and employed Islamic jihad against the Serbs with foreign support from Arab, Pakistani, and Afghan Mujahidin. Author Christopher Deliso, in his rather oversimplified book The Coming Balkan Caliphate, analyzes the role of jihadists in Albania, and the American support for their jihad against the Serbs, as a prescient source of future calamity for Europe. At the same time, Serbian mobs burnt Albanian mosques and slaughtered Albanian civilians in villages at the same time as they massacred dissenting Bosnian and Croatian civilians. Most Serbs fled Albanian terrorist bombings and massacres to Serbia. Albanians rightfully respond to this argument of "Albanian terrorism" by citing the equally horrendous murders of Albanian Muslims by Serbian militias at the same time.

The war continued with increasing intensity in Serbia until 1999, when the Clinton administration of the United States led a NATO air assault on Serbia-Montenegro, ostensibly to stop mutual inter-ethnic genocide between Serbs and Albanian Kosovars. The American and NATO campaign greatly benefited the Albanians: Kosovo was forcibly seized from Serbia-Montenegro and declared an indepedent UN-administered protectorate. Although Serbs refused to acknowledge the independence of what they believed to be their integral territory for 1,000 years, Muslim Albanian-populated Kosovo was now completely independent of Serbia from 1999 until 2008.

Albanian communities still live in Macedonia (33% of the population), Kosovo (90%), Montenegro (>17%), and northern Greece (Epirus), where they have historically engaged in continuous political and physical revolt for “liberation” (CIA World Factbook). This has led to brutal inter-ethnic conflict that today causes Albanians to be the victims of some of the most incendiary and universal racism in Europe. A revolt by the Albanian minority in 2001 brought Macedonia into a full-blown civil war that ended in their regional autonomy in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Longstanding desires for Albanian autonomy in Greece's South Epirus continue to this day to no avail. Today, Macedonians, Greeks, and Serbs brutally hate the Albanian race and vice versa.

Kosovo, ruled by the UN and NATO (in reality, mostly the United States) since 1999 thanks to the Clinton administration, was given freedom in 2008 as Europe's newest Muslim nation. From the Serbian perspective, this was an illegal seizure of a huge territory from an independent nation, the same crime that the Americans accused the Yugoslavs of doing in Croatia and Bosnia. The vast majority of world nations agree that Serbia's sovereign land was stolen. However, as this essay illustrates, from the Albanian perspective, the Albanians were only fulfilling a 560-year struggle for an independent national homeland in Kosovo against the brutal massacres, genocides, and murders of Albanian civilians by the Serbian oppressors. Both sides are equally correct. Kosovo today is recognized by the European Union and the United States. Most of the rest of the world does not acknowledge the independence. UN, NATO, and Americans remain in Kosovo to ensure its stability. Kosovo is among the poorest nations in Europe, with a per capita income of only $2,300 and a 40% unemployment rate [1].

The Albanian struggle for an independent homeland in Albania lasted at least 460 years, from the struggles against Islamic jihad by Gjergj Skanderbeg to the monarchy of King Zog I in 1928. The struggle in Kosovo took 540, from Skanderbeg's crusade until 2008 at the cost of tremendous bloodshed and genocide on both sides. Although most European cultures continue to depict the Albanians as a near-subhuman culture of rebels and Mujahidin, the Albanians will continue to emphasize their obstinent struggle against foreign hegemony. In addition, Greeks, Montenegrins, and Macedonians are increasingly concerned that their large Albanian minorities may be incited by Kosovo's independence into an expansion of their long struggle to their sovereign lands. Albanian nationalists, drawing from the Albanian national struggle that in their mind goes back to ancient Illyria, will continue to challenge what they perceive as the subjugation of ethnic Albanian minorities.

 


The flag of independent Kosovo, based on the EU flag. Most Serbs see this as proof of the rape of "Serbian Kosovo" from the Albanians. In their protests of 2008, Serbs did not burn Kosovar flags, but American and EU flags.


Revolting Albanians, many using the ideology of Islamic jihad, massacred Serbian civilians and burnt down churches. At the same time, Serbs murdered Albanians door-to-door in much of Kosovo.


Serbs consider Kosovo their sovereign land. Albanians, who are the overwhelming majority in Kosovo, insist that it is their territory. Americans, the EU, and NATO all agree to the Albanian claim.

 

 

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

James Mayfield is a historian and the Chairman of the European Heritage Library. I have a Cum Laude BA in History with a Minor in Germanic Studies (language and history), am presently working for my Masters in History, and plan to immediately progress to my PhD Doctorate. I have a special academic interest in Europe's diverse ethnic identities, languages, and cultures, and the political struggles of native European and immigrant minority identities. See my staff entry for more information.

I also have a tremendous academic and historiographic interest in Albanian history and culture. I wrote my baccalaureate research dissertation on the Albanian struggle against foreign domination. I have also traveled to Albania. I wrote a highly unique semester dissertation on Enver Hoxha's project towards a post-modern Albanian state, affording me an understanding of both the dominant perspectives on Kosovo and Albania and the Albanian perspective.

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY/SOURCES USED:

-For more sources see our History of Islamic Conquest in Europe Map

-For more sources see our Islamic populations in Europe Map

-See Illyrians.org for an ultra-nationalist Albanian perspective on Albanians' national struggle

-Vickers, Miranda. The Albanians: A Modern History. London: I.B. Taurus, 2001.

-Vickers, Miranda, and James Pettifer. Albania: From Anarchy to Balkan Identity. New York, NY: NYU Press, 2000.

-Deliso, Christopher. The Coming Balkan Caliphate: The Threat of Radical Islam to Europe and the West. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger Security International, 2007.

-personal observations, photos, and interviews from my research trip to Albania

-images that lack an EHL watermark are not our property. If no link is provided, we were unable to isolate the original owners. If you find your property is being used, feel free to notify us.

[1] https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/KV.html

[2] Swire, Joseph. Albania: Rise of a Kingdom. New York: R. R. Smith Publishers, 1930. Page 291.

[3] Vickers, Miranda. The Albanians: A Modern History. London: I.B. Taurus, 2001. Page 174.


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